domingo, 28 de febrero de 2010

Investigations called for into skin complaints and water contamination in San Marcos

Health authorities are to investigate skin complaints in San Miguel Ixtahuacán and Sipakapa, an article in the Prensa Libre earlier this month announced.

According to the health minister, Ludwig Ovalle, skin complaints are the third most common reason for seeking medical consultation in both San Miguel Ixtahuacán and Sipakapa, whilst in the rest of the country they represent the tenth most common reason.

Both of these towns have been impacted by the mining activity of Marlin Mine, a open-cast goldmine owned by the Canadian company, Goldcorp.

The environment vice-minister Enma Díaz has emphasised the need to evaluate the quality of the water.

Staff of Montana Exploradora, subsidiary of Goldcorp, have claimed that the Environment and Energy authorities had carried out studies and not detected contamination in the water. (1)

At around the same time, the Prensa Libre also informed that community leaders and inhabitants of Cuilco had reported the river which traverses the municipality is contaminated due to an industrial spill from the Marlin Mine, which they claim has killed fish in the river and caused skin complaints. The Pastoral Peace and Ecology Commission (Comisión Pastoral Paz y Ecología) established that 83 cubic metres of heavy minerals had entered the tributary.

Milton Velasquéz of the Community Development Council (Consejo Comunitario de Desarrollo) has requested intervention from the local authorities to avoid further complications.(2)
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(1) See www.prensalibre.com/pl/2010/febrero/16/375767.html
(2) See www.prensalibre.com/pl/2010/febrero/17/375844.html

* The photo here is not from San Marcos but from a different Guatemalan river

viernes, 26 de febrero de 2010

Emerging out of the fog

The following article that I wrote was posted on the Latin American Bureau website earlier this month.
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The image of our goodbye in his village is one I won’t forget. We had arrived at his one-room adobe house just before dusk. There had been a tropical downpour earlier that day, but it had only lasted 30 minutes. So we weren’t too concerned when the heavy rain started again as we sat and chatted.

Half an hour later the storm was showing no signs of letting up. Nevertheless, we decided to go: walking in the village after nightfall was not a good idea, especially given the security situation during a trial.

His house is at the top of a small path. But the path is just earth which the rain had predictably turned to mud. After a few steps there was no going back. I looked apprehensively at the man we had visited who had become my friend. “Come on, I’ll help you,” he reassured me.

He kept me on my feet as I edged down the treacherous slope, wrapped in a bin-bag in a futile attempt to keep dry. We parted when I had just one more step to take. And the image of him which I have burned in my memory is him on that slope, looking down at me with fatherly concern through the fog of the heavy downpour.

The real storm

This was just a prelude to the real storm that was about to rage, this one in the courtroom. The next day, when I saw him for the final time before I left Guatemala, the encounter was brief and formal. The trial opened that day and he was a witness. I could hardly believe that finally the court case was beginning. I’d been visiting the witnesses for nine months as an international accompanier, and progress in the case had been painfully slow. But, of course, I had only been with them for a fraction of the time of their suffering.

For the witnesses it had been 28 years since their relatives were forcibly "disappeared" from their rural village, El Jute, in the department of Chiquimula. Eight members of the community were taken on the 19th October 1981, during the worst period of the long years of violence of Guatemala’s internal armed conflict (1960-1996), by a former army colonel and three former military commissioners (similar to paramilitary leaders). The witnesses I saw on a regular basis would tell me of that day and the terror it brought. Terror followed by a silence that continues to this day.


Silence is a characteristic of the crime of "forced disappearance", which is recognised internationally as a crime against humanity. In Guatemala, over 45,000 people were “disappeared” during the internal conflict. Victims simply vanished as though into a fog, never to be seen or heard of again, and their relatives were denied information as to their whereabouts or fate. Without knowledge of what happened, the relatives often stay in limbo.

Interviews with relatives of people who were "disappeared" reveal time and again behaviour such as continuing to set a place at the dinner table for their loved one, even though they have been gone for many years. The lack of any kind of final ceremony or proper burial means that there is no opportunity to close the grieving process. The link between the living and the dead is particularly pertinent in Mayan culture, which emphasises the way in which deceased relatives guide their loved ones through life, thus the severance of this link causes great distress. Worth bearing in mind when one considers that 83% of the victims of the conflict were indigenous Maya.

In Guatemala, the fog of past forced disappearances continues to this day and effectively obscures a large part of the country’s recent brutal history.

"Forced disappearances" or kidnappings?

Judges are reluctant to classify cases as “forced disappearance”. Most of the relatively few cases currently under investigation have been classified as “kidnapping”. The difference? Because of the multiple human rights violations involved and the role of the State, "forced disappearance" is defined as a crime against humanity, whilst kidnapping is not. Thus kidnapping could technically be granted amnesty under the Law of National Reconciliation of 1996, a law that grants amnesty for crimes committed during the armed conflict (provided that they are not crimes against humanity). In a somewhat Orwellian fashion, this law often seems to stand in the way of judicial processes that might lead to reconciliation and compensation for the victims.

In the case of El Jute, the panel of judges dismissed the classification of "forced disappearance" on multiple occasions during the hearings, yet in the final sentence they did convict the former colonel and three former military commissioners for that crime. Before that, only one case had been accepted as "forced disappearance": the case of Choatalúm.

The Choatalúm trial

I also observed this trial. I was in the packed courtroom on 31st August 2009 as we collectively held our breath and heard the judge say the words that would make history: “Our belief in Cusanero's innocence has been destroyed.” With that, former military commissioner, Felipe Cusanero Coj was sentenced to a total of 150 years of imprisonment for the "forced disappearance" between the years 1982 and 1984 of six members of the Maya Kakchiquel community of Choatalúm in the department of Chimaltenango.

The Choatalúm conviction was the first in Guatemala for the crime of "forced disappearance". It marked the end of one phase of a long struggle for those involved in the case. There had been many hurdles to overcome.

One month after the trial’s opening in March 2008, the defence claimed that the trial violated Article 15 of the Guatemalan Constitution, which states that laws cannot be retroactive. The events took place between 1982 and 1984, but the crime of "forced disappearance" was only formally recognised in Guatemala in 1996, so the defence argued that the case could not be tried.
An injunction was sought in April 2008. The Guatemalan Constitutional Court took 15 months to announce the resolution in favour of the prosecution. The resolution made reference to international conventions on "forced disappearance" and concluded that the crime is permanent in nature, the key issue being not when the crime started but rather when it ceases to be committed. With the fate and whereabouts of the victims still being kept secret, the crime continues to this day.

The Choatalúm decision is highly significant for its potential to set a precedent for other cases. Hearings in the El Jute case opened just weeks after the Choatalúm sentence and in December 2009 each of the accused was sentenced to 53 years in prison. Significantly, this is the first time that a high-ranking member of the Guatemalan military has been found guilty of "forced disappearance".

Still a long way to go

It seems that, with the sentences in the cases of Choatalúm and El Jute, some of the fog surrounding "forced disappearance" in Guatemala is starting to disperse. But the process is far from over.

In both cases, the victims’ relatives expressed that, above all, they just wanted information on their loved ones’ fate and their whereabouts. In one way, the trials brought justice but they still did not reveal information about what happened to the “disappeared”. The continued silence on this means that the suffering of the relatives continues.

Then there are the numbers. Two cases. Twenty-eight years have passed. Over 45,000 victims.

It’s definitely a long road. But every journey has to start somewhere.

domingo, 21 de febrero de 2010

Yet another FRENA member has been murdered

Yet another director of the organisation FRENA (the Front for Resistance in Defence of Natural Resources and the Rights of the People) was murdered in San Marcos this week.

According to a communiqué by the group URNG-MAIZ, Octavio Roblero was murdered at approximately 5.30pm on Wednesday (17th) in front of his business at the bus terminal in Malacatán, in the department of San Marcos. He was shot multiple times by an unknown individual.

Octavio was the brother-in-law of Víctor Galvez, also a FRENA leader, who was also shot dead in broad daylight in the centre of Malacatán in October last year. According to the Prensa Libre, Víctor had been attending a meeting with community leaders about the excessive charges of the electrical energy service in this region just before he was killed. Octavio had recently denounced the role of several individuals in his brother-in-law’s murder.

Octavio’s murder also follows the murder last month of yet another FRENA leader, Evelinda Ramírez Reyes, who was returning to her home in the department of San Marcos following a series of meetings in the capital when the car in which she was travelling was ambushed and she was shot dead. She had been meeting with authorities to protest the excessive charges of DEOCSA, subsidiary of the Spanish-owned electricity provider Unión Fenosa, and to demand the nationalisation of electricity distribution.

In a separate case, the Prensa Libre reported that on the same day as Octavio’s murder, indigenous lawyer Juan Antonio Chen was also murdered in the department of Cobán. Chen had collaborated with the Archbishop’s Office for Human Rights (ODHA for its Spanish acronym).

It goes without saying that these attacks are cause for great concern.



For my blog entry last month following the murder of Evelinda Ramírez Reyes, click here.

For the Prensa Libre article on the murder of Octavio Roblero, click here.

miércoles, 20 de enero de 2010

Update: Threats in case of El Jute

The newspaper, Diario de Centro América, reported on the 6th of January that relatives of the victims in the case of El Jute had been receiving threats. This comes after the passing of 53 year sentences against a former colonel and three former military commissioners last month for the forced disappearance of eight members of the community El Jute, Chiquimula in 1981. A few days prior to the Diario's article, came the news of the death of one of the recently sentenced former military commissioners, José Domingo Ríos Martínez.

domingo, 17 de enero de 2010

Rising tensions in San Marcos

Wednesday last week (13th January) saw the second murder in three months of a leader in the campaign for the nationalisation of electricity provision in the department of San Marcos. The campaign is in reaction to illegal charges, the changing of meter readings, unjustified fines, and irregularities and interruptions in the electricity service provision by Spanish-owned Unión Fenosa and its subsidiaries DEOCSA and DEONSA.

The victim of Wednesday’s attack was 26 year old Evelina Ramírez Reyes, who was returning home after two days of meetings in the capital city when the car in which she was travelling was ambushed and she was shot dead. Two of the other passengers, Leonel de León and Jorge Lorenzo, were injured in the attack. The whereabouts of the fourth passenger, Freddy Rodas, were unknown at the time of writing. (1)

Tensions have been rising in San Marcos over recent months and years. Over 250 arrest warrants have been issued against community leaders. Last month the tensions culminated in the order of an “estado de prevención”(an emergency measure in which many constitutional rights are temporarily suspended ), alleged to be in part a reaction to the dismantling of a so-called “sabotage network” (2). Evelina had been meeting in the capital with various government authorities to discuss the debt of Q80 million quetzales which service users are to pay the energy company DEOCSA after having received a sabotaged service throughout last year. (3)

A sentence passed in November 2004 by the Guatemalan Constitutional Court determined that the company had been charging its customers illegal taxes amounting the sum of approximately 260 million dollars (US). The Court ordered that the company return the taxes it had collected to the service users. However, no money was returned and the company continues to demand these illegal taxes to this day. (4)

The group FRENA (the Front for the Defence of Natural Resources and the Rights of the People), of which Evelina Ramírez was a member, has been vocal in its campaign again Unión Fenosa, DEOCSA and DEONSA. However, sadly Ms. Ramírez was not the first FRENA member to be killed. In October last year a leader of the group, Víctor Galvez, was also shot dead. He was found with 32 bullet-wounds on his body. (5)

Following Víctor’s murder, in November the Barcelona-based Observatorio de la Deuda en la Globalización (Observatory of the Debt in Globalisation) sent an open letter to members of the Spanish government and the Board of Directors of Unión Fenosa to protest recent human rights abuses in Guatemala. (6)

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Sources:
- FRENA communiqué, www.jbcs.blogspot.com/2010/01/de-nuevo-corre-la-sangre-de-dirigentes.html
- For a Spanish definition of an “estado de prevención” see www.elperiodico.com.gt/es/20080508/pais/54494
- Prensa Libre, 4th January 2010, www.prensalibre.com/pl/2010/enero/04/366383.html
- Prensa Libre, 14th January 2010, www.prensalibre.com/pl/2010/enero/14/368606.html
- Open letter, November 2009, www.guatemalasolidarity.org.uk/?q=content/open-letter-spanish-president
- Prensa Libre, 24th October 2009, www.prensalibre.com/pl/2009/octubre/24/351400.html